By Staff Reporter
On the 15th of October 1987, the
leader of the Burkinabe revolution was assassinated. Two years later, Sennen
Andriamirado, editor-in-chief of Jeune Afrique and an acquaintance to the
former head of state, published “He was called Sankara”. Here is an account of
President of Faso’s last day.
When Mariam woke up, Thomas
Sankara, who had finally joined her in bed, in his turn fell asleep. On her
tiptoes, the president’s wife leaves the room and prepares to go to work.
She has to be there at 3 p.m.
Sankara will sleep for another hour, this daily nap is the only time this night
owl gets to recover. A break all the more important seeing as the afternoon and
the night of the 15th of October, 1987, are going to be long.
At 4 p.m. he leads one of the
three weekly meetings for his special cabinet.
On the agenda: a report from one
of his advisers who has just returned from Cotonou where he was speaking with
the leaders of the Revolutionary People’s Party of Benin and collecting
documents on the “Beninese Code of Revolutionary Conduct”; the project to
create an a newspaper of the CNR (National Council of the Revolution).
At 8 p.m. there will be a
complicated meeting regarding the OMR (Revolutionary Military Organisation).
Around 3.30 p.m. Mariam Sankara
calls him on the phone. “Daddy is in the shower”, answers her eldest son,
Philippe, who was seven years old at the time. She calls back ten minutes
later. The president, in sportswear since the morning- white T-shirt and red
jogging trousers, is ready to leave.
“First I am going to my 4 p.m.
meeting at the ‘Conseil de l’Entente,” he said. Then I’m going to sport at 5
p.m. Afterwards I’ll probably come home for a shower but you won’t be home yet.
I won’t see you till after the 8 p.m. meeting. We’ll talk tonight. Bottom of Form
In the meantime, the members of
the special cabinet have begun to arrive in one of the villas of the Cartel
Council, which serves as the headquarters of the NCR.
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| From left to right: Blaise Compaoré, Thomas Sankara and Jean-Baptiste Lingani, 4 August 4 1983, the day Sankara came to power © Archives Jeune Afrique |
Alouna Traoré and Paulin Babou
Bamouni made a detour through the offices to the presidency just opposite; the
others, Bonaventure Compaoré, Frédéric Kiemdé and Patrice Zagré, came directly
to the council. Christophe Saba, the permanent secretary for the CNR, has been
there since this morning.
At 16.20, he decided to call the
President who had not yet left his residence, where he was talking with another
one of his advisers, the deputy director of the presidential press, Serge
Théophile Balima. “We are here Mr President. It is late and we are waiting for
you”.
“I’ll be right there,” Sankara
replies. He sends Balima back and gets into a black Peugeot 205.
The President sat in the
passenger seat, as usual. “I like to see the road, and from behind you can’t
see anything,” he often has to explain.
In the back seat are sat two
bodyguards. The car following them is occupied by three other bodyguards plus
the driver, also a soldier. They are all dressed in sportswear, this Thursday
afternoon: twice a week in fact, on Monday and Thursday from 5pm, the Burkinabè
are supposed to do exercise. The president and his guards are therefore only
armed with their automatic pistol.
At the Council, the members of
the special firm are also dressed in sportswear, with the exception of Patrice
Zagré, who came in a Mao shirt. At 4:30 p.m., the President arrives. He got out
of the 205, followed by four of his guards, who settled in the corridor
adjoining the meeting rooms. The drivers parked the two cars in a nearby
courtyard and took shelter from the sun in the shade of the tall trees,
particularly the Neem trees, which lined the garden.
At 16.35, the chairman takes a
seat at the end of the U-shaped meeting table. Warrant Officer Christophe Saba,
Paulin Bamouni and Frédéric Kiemdé are seated on his right. On his left are
Patrice Zagré, Bonaventure Compaoré and Alouna Traoré. Thomas Sankara, always
late but also always in a hurry, opened the working session: “Let’s make it
quick, let’s start!”
Alouna Traoré, who the day before
had left on a fact-finding mission in Contonou, begins his report: “I left
Ouago the day before yesterday at 6 p.m…” He stops, his voice suddenly muffled
by the sound of a most likely a pierced exhaust pipe from an approaching car.
Shocked and annoyed, Sankara
asks: “What is that noise?”, soon joined by Saba, who frowns: “What is that
noise?”
The noise gets louder, a car- “a
Peugeot 504 or a covered Toyota”, says the only direct witness who survived.
The car stopped in front of the small gate of the villa. Immediately, the noise
of the engine was covered by the roar of Kalachinikov shots.
The seven men gathered in the
room flat on the floor, hiding behind the armchairs. Among them, the only one
to be armed since his guards remained in the corridor or in the garden, was
Sankara who grabs his gun which he had placed on the table, within reach.
From outside, someone shouts: “Get out! Come out!”
Sankara gets up, sighs loudly and
orders his counsellors: “Stay! Stay! It’s me they want!” He leaves the meeting
room with his hands in the air.
“He had barely stepped out of the
door before he was shot” says Alouna Traoré. “The attackers had come to kill”.
The guards, the drivers and a
biker from the police, Soré Patenema, who came by chance to bring mail to the
CNR headquarters had all been shot in the first burst of gunfire. A former
member of President of Faso’s guard, a man nicknamed Otis, who had since then
been reinstated in the ranks of the para-commandos of Po (commanded by Captain
Blaise Compaoré, who made him one of his drivers) – bursts into the meeting
room, pushes the president’s collaborators towards the exit: “Out! Get out! Get
out!”
All those who obeyed were shot in
turn. At the last moment, Patrice Zagré tries to take refuge in the meeting
room, a shot in the back finishes him off.
Alouna Traoré, through sheer fear
or survivorship, both perhaps, found himself lying on the gravel alive, bathed
in the blood of his comrades, whose moans and sighs of agony he hears as if he
was in a nightmare.
Four civilian members of the
special cabinet (Paulin Bamouni, Patrice Zagré, Frédéric Kiemdé and Bonaventure
Compaoré), eight soldiers, including Warrant Officer Christophe Saba, a poor
police officer who was passing by, the drivers of the presidential convoy and
four bodyguards were killed. Alouna stepped over the PF’s body without even realising it.
Looking over his shoulder, he sees
Thomas Sankara on the floor. Two shots to the head immediately killed him. He
hears someone shouting: “There is one who isn’t dead! The one in blue! Let him
get up!” Alouna Traoré, the man in a blue tracksuit, stands up.
He was told to move forward and then
lie back on the ground, between two other bodies, those of the two drivers.
He feels agitated. Covered in
blood without a scratch on him. Around him, the commandos are still firing, but
this time in the air, as if they wanted the outside world to believe that there
was a fight going on within the walls of the Conseil de l’Entente; and with
acrimony, as if they wanted to believe that they were really fighting and
defending themselves.
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| Supporters of Thomas Sankara gather at his grave on the 20th anniversary of his death in 2007. |
This went on for a long time,
perhaps thirty minutes, they used up all their ammunition this way.
Alouna is still on the ground.
From the corner of his eye, he sees the driver-guard of Captain Blaise
Compaorés body, Hamidou Maîga, walking towards him wearing a blue
mechanics overalls. He looks at Alouna at says to the others: “Leave it! I’ll
finish him off!”
An officer (“I don’t know him,
Alouna Traoré will say, his face was scarred”) objected and shouted. “Bring me
the survivor”.
Alouna Traoré is brought to him,
and he orders him to lie down again. The survivor tries to crawl and get close
to the wall. “Stay still!” he shouts, “Otherwise you’ll join the others”.
Bottom of FormHow long
did he stay like that on the floor? “Two or three hours,” he says, without
further explanation, until a soldier threatened him: “You saw everything. We
can’t let you leave like that. You’re going to join the others!”.
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| The exhumation of what are believed to be the remains of Burkina Faso's former President Thomas Sankara |
Alouna doesn’t understand the
situation he is in. He has gone beyond the stage of fear and has taken refuge
in the world of absurd.
Ever since lying between the
corpses, an image has haunted him: a photo of Mother Teresa, Nobel Peace Prize
winner, in the middle of young miserable Indians, whom he had looked at for a
long time that very morning. And for now, his only desire is to urinate. He is
allowed to do so and he goes to relieve himself for a long time between the
flowers of the gardens of the Conseil de l’Entente, transformed that very
afternoon into a killing field.
He was then taken upstairs to the
floor of a villa where CNR agents were grouped together, who heard everything without
having seen anything of the drama: the doctor-warrant officer Youssouf
Ouedraogo, assistant to the warrant officer Christophe Saba, and the whole
secretariat of the Laurent Kaboré, who also worked at the CNR.
In the middle of them, he was
surprised to discover Bossobé, a guard of the president. Alouna Traoré’s blue
sports outfit is soaked in blood. His hands, face and hair are bloody. He is
told to wash himself and then to sit down.
Long after the sun had set,
Alouna hears cars manoeuvring in the alleys of the Cartel Council. He risks a
glance out the window. The thirteen corpses have disappeared; tankers are
cleaning the scene of the drama with large water jets. He will spend the night
behind the scenes, he won’t sleep. Turning over and over in his head is the
same question: “What could the President have done to deserve this?”
Relaunched at the beginning of
2015 by the transitional regime after the fall of Blaise Compaoré, the
investigation into the assassination of Thomas Sankara is being conducted by
the military examining magistrate, François Yamégo. Of the seventeen people he
has charged, six are in pre-trial detention, including Gilbert Diendéré,
Blaise Compaoré’s former private
chief of staff. Two other indictees, accused of having played a major role in
the case, are still at large in Burkina Faso and are the subject of an
international arrest warrant: Blaise Compaoré and Hyacinthe Kafando.
Exiled to Abidjan, Compaoré is
not expected to face Judge Yamégo any time soon as the Ivorian authorities seem
reluctant to extradite him.
The second, former head of
Compaoré’s close guard and leader of the squad that murdered Sankara, was
summoned by the judge on the 22nd of June 2015. But the former MP never
appeared before the military court. He fled the country without leaving a trace and
is also, according to our sources, a refugee in Côte d’Ivoire.
Apart from Compaoré and Kafando,
most of the suspects were trialed. Summoned twice in 2016 by Judge Yaméogo,
Salif Diallo, the former head of Compaoré who died last August, denied any
responsibility to do with the assassination of Sankara.
He also added that Blaise
Compaoré could not ignore what was being planned. As for Gilbert Diendér, he
said he had not been informed of any operation against Sankara and that it was
Hyacinthe Kafando who took the initiative.
Judge Yaméogo, for his part, is
interested in possible foreign involvements, in particular French, Ivorian and
Togolese. He has sent a letter of request to Paris, asking for the lifting of
the defence secrecy on certain archives and the hearings of various people. The
French authorities responded in May, saying that they have “no objection” but
that they first need to obtain a “certain number of clarifications”.
Sankara seized
power in a 1983 popularly supported coup at the age of 33, with the goal of
eliminating corruption and the dominance of the former French colonial power.
He immediately
launched one of the most ambitious programmes for social and economic change
ever attempted on the African continent. To symbolize this new autonomy and
rebirth, he renamed the country from Upper Volta to Burkina Faso (“Land of
Upright Man”). -
Theafricareport
