KAMPALA, Uganda
Can Idi Amin be rehabilitated? The question is animating some in this East African country two decades after the death of one of Africa’s most infamous leaders.
Amin, who took power by force
in Uganda in 1971 and ruled until he was removed by armed groups of exiles in
1979, died in Saudi Arabia in 2003. His passing was barely acknowledged in
Uganda, and some of Amin’s supporters over the years have unsuccessfully
lobbied for his remains to be returned home, underscoring his tainted legacy.
Ugandan President
Yoweri Museveni, whose rebel group was among those that ousted Amin with
the help of Tanzanian troops, regularly dismisses Amin, and once even described
him as “a primitive dictator.” There are no monuments to Amin in Kampala, the
capital, where not even a street is named after him.
But some Ugandans want to
change that — not to emphasize Amin’s tyrannical rule but to highlight any
positive aspects of it, including what they say was his commitment to local
industry as well as African solidarity. They have incited fierce debate over Amin’s
legacy at a time when many Ugandans are hungry for political change after
nearly four decades of Museveni’s presidency. Museveni, in power since 1986,
has not said when he would retire.
The
effort to memorialize Amin is led by a former lawmaker from Amin’s home region
who asserts that Amin was defamed by international reporters who sometimes
falsified stories about him. He says Amin deserves a more balanced verdict but
he faces resistance from those who say Amin should just be forgotten.
An Amin memorial lecture, the first of its kind, failed to happen as planned in September, because the event didn’t receive approval from the education ministry. Hassan Kaps Fungaroo, the former lawmaker leading the effort, later wrote to education officials asking for support in the creation of an Idi Amin Memorial Institute. The matter reached Museveni, who characterized Amin’s rule as “clearly illegal” and then rejected the idea of such an institute.
“It is not acceptable to
license an institute to promote or study the work of Idi Amin,” Museveni said
in his response to the education ministry. “It is enough that forgiving
Ugandans forgave the surviving colleagues of Idi Amin. Let that history be forgotten.”
That verdict has sparked
rebuttals from Ugandans who see some similarities between Amin and Museveni.
Like Amin, Museveni took power by force and is heavily reliant on military
authority to remain in power. And the president’s critics cite rampant corruption,
abuse of public resources, police brutality, and the shrinking space for
perceived government opponents, arguing that Museveni has no moral authority to
judge Amin.
“Mr. Museveni thinks this
country started with him and that he has performed miracles,” Joel Ssenyonyi, a
lawmaker who is a spokesman for the opposition National Unity Platform party,
told The Associated Press. “Our past leaders made mistakes, without a doubt,
which Museveni likes to capitalize on, but he has done worse.”
While Amin was a
semi-illiterate leader who never pretended to be a democrat, Museveni has
“captured all institutions” in the course of nearly four decades in power,
Ssenyonyi said.
Responding to criticism online
of Museveni’s directive, government spokesman Ofwono Opondo charged that a
memorial to Amin may “glorify him but cannot undo his terrible deeds done in
full view of many people, some still alive.”
The suggested institute is an
attempt to “whitewash” Amin’s legacy, Opondo said.
Amin’s supporters and some
academics point out that he was instrumental in acquiring or maintaining
national assets at home and abroad, including a railway service, a national
carrier, and multiple buildings housing Uganda’s foreign missions. They say he
also was committed to the nurturing of local talent in music and sports.
But Amin’s crimes are widely
documented. A one-time heavyweight boxing champ and soldier in the British
colonial army, Amin seized power in a coup d'état and then became the paranoid
dictator whose government was accused of carrying out extrajudicial killings,
forced disappearances and public executions. Between 100,000 and 500,000 people
were killed during Amin’s rule, according to Human Rights Watch.
Some of Amin’s actions drew
harsh international attention upon Uganda. In 1972 he ordered the expulsion of
tens of thousands of Asians who had controlled the country’s economy, sparking
economic chaos.
In the most notorious
international incident of Amin’s reign, a Palestinian group hijacked an Air
France airliner to Uganda’s Entebbe Airport in 1976 and kept its Israeli
passengers as hostages. Israeli commandos flew to Entebbe under cover of darkness and
rescued the captives, with Amin claiming he wanted to help negotiate a
peaceful resolution despite some evidence he had been collaborating with the
hijackers.
Amin had almost no allies in
the international community at the time he lost power. He fled to Libya, then
Iraq and finally Saudi Arabia, where he was allowed to quietly settle down.
Yet Museveni, a U.S. ally
whose government regularly receives substantial foreign aid, insists that
Uganda would be stronger economically if Amin had never been president. Some
Ugandans frown at that, saying Museveni has had plenty of time to make his own
mark.
“The debate surrounding the
proposed Amin institute shows how Museveni’s rule has polarized Ugandans,” said
Gerald Bareebe, a Ugandan academic who is an assistant professor of politics at
York University in Canada.
“While many Ugandans abhor
Amin, there are some who see similarities with Museveni’s rule, especially
given the rising cases of forced disappearance, torture, extra-judicial killing
and detention without trial under Museveni’s regime.”
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