By Dastan
Kweka, DAR ES SALAAM Tanzania
For many political observers, the outcome of Tanzania's 28 October general election is already known. President John Magufuli will win a second term in office, bolstered by the benefits of incumbency and supported by the country's best-resourced political party, Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM).
Tundu Lissu, the leading presidential challenger, has been drawing large crowds on the campaign trail even in the northern Lake Zone from which Magufuli hails. |
This confidence derives from the
fact that since winning the 2015 election with 58.46%, Magufuli has
progressively consolidated his grip on power. His administration has targeted
opposition members with intimidation, concocted charges and jail sentences. It
has excluded critical voices within the ruling CCM.
And, apart from the security
forces, it has repressed or co-opted every significant centre of power in the
country. As such, the political arena has become so skewed that only one
outcome this October seems feasible.
Many of Tanzania's opposition
politicians, however, argue otherwise. They insist that, against all the odds,
there is still the possibility of a shock result.
Is this merely part of their
election strategy or are there convincing reasons behind their notes of
caution?
The premise for the argument that
the opposition could win is that the current regime is deeply unpopular but
that it remains oblivious of this fact because it has silenced critical views,
devalued advice, and restricted the publication of
independent statistics such as opinion polls.
This view holds that large
swathes of the population are quietly frustrated but that having suppressed the
usual channels for expressing grievances, the government will only realise this
when it is already too late.
Opposition figures also add that
there have been some rifts within the CCM and point out that they have enjoyed
high attendance at their own rallies. Tundu Lissu, the leading presidential
challenger, has been drawing large crowds on the campaign trail even in the
northern Lake Zone from which Magufuli hails.
Among other things, the opposition suggests that voters are dissatisfied with the government over its economic policies. During his time in office, President Magufuli has focused on major infrastructure projects. His administration has invested in a standard gauge railway, a 2,115-megawatt hydropower project, the Ubungo flyover and attempted to revive the national airline Air Tanzania.
While these projects may yield
long-term benefits, the trade-off is that they divert resources from more immediate
priorities in the short-term, as the IMF has repeatedly advised the
government.
Some opposition figures are
therefore presenting the government's investment record as an electoral
weakness. Zitto Kabwe, for instance, recently explained that
the opposition would be "telling the people that they should let bridges,
planes, and flyovers vote for (Magufuli). Citizens should vote for people who
will look after their welfare."
If voters heed this message and
take the opportunity of the vote to express their silent discontentment, the
argument goes, Tanzania is in for a shock opposition victory.
While there may be some truth to
the opposition's claims, there are perhaps many more reasons to doubt the
possibility they can win.
To begin with, the opposition
remains fragmented.
Despite months of talks, the two leading parties - Chadema and ACT-Wazalendo - have struggled to agree on the nature and scale of their cooperation. As such, both Chadema's Tundu Lissu and ACT's Bernard Membe spent weeks - in September - running separate campaigns.
Lissu (L) is the most popular and charismatic opposition candidate |
Membe has now gone underground
but has not yet endorsed Lissu. Lissu is the most popular and charismatic of
the two, but he would need ACT votes, especially in the southern and coastal
regions, to strengthen his challenge to Magufuli.
One reason cooperation has proven
difficult is a historic mistrust between
the two parties' leaders. Another is that both parties need votes to qualify
for financial support. In Tanzania, political parties that secure at least 5%
of parliamentary votes in all constituencies receive a government subsidy.
This support is a lifeline for
opposition parties. Two years ago, the main opposition Chadema was receiving
around $150,000 a month through this measure, which allowed it to maintain a
strong grassroots network.
Although the two parties are expected to formally endorse each other's candidates in the coming weeks, they still face huge obstacles. The National Electoral Commission (NEC) has already disqualified many opposition candidates from running.
According to the
commission, 160 of parliamentary contestants have now appealed and 66 have had their
disqualifications overturned.
Nonetheless, this process has skewed the playing field. The ruling CCM did not have any problems registering candidates - including one who was recently convicted of economic crimes.
20
of its nominees will now run unopposed, including Prime Minister Kassim
Majaliwa.
The CCM also has the advantage of
having total control of local leadership following the 2019 local elections. In
that ballot, most opposition candidates were similarly disqualified, prompting
the opposition to boycott the vote. The ruling party won with 99.9%.
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