By David E Kiwuwa
Elections are the quintessential arbiter of political contestation within democratic countries. This is a path Tanzania has followed for the past 25 years, since it first held its first multiparty elections in 1995.
NEC returning officers were found with loads of Magufuli's premarked presidential votes in many parts of the country |
But elections are only part of the
institutional fabric of a democracy. And a democracy is only as good as its
institution—collectively.
The last cycle of Tanzania’s elections in
2015 was highly contested. President John Magufuli
prevailed at 58.46% against 39.97% for his closest challenger.
Last week, Tanzania completed its sixth cycle
of multiparty elections. The country’s dominant ruling party—Chama cha
Mapinduzi (CCM)—was declared the winner by a landslide. This time around, Magufuli won a highly suspect 84% against
13% for Tundu Lissu, leader of the opposition Chadema party. Lissu had only
recently returned from Belgium to contest the polls after surviving an assassination attempt
three years ago.
The result has drawn bitter denunciation from the opposition.
Chama cha Mapinduzi, having won all previous elections,
has governed within a multiparty dispensation for 25 years. But this level of
electoral blowout is unprecedented.
While the quality of elections should improve with every election cycle, this has not been the case for Tanzania. The country’s recent poll should be viewed in the context of flawed democracies that go through the motions of political contestation without fully embracing freedom, fairness, and transparency.
President John Magufuli |
This electoral cycle demonstrated a fundamental
weakness of democratic politics in flawed democracies—the superficial and
instrumentalist practice of democracy without the intrinsic belief in the value
system that democracy entails.
Democratic transition is admittedly a long and winding road. In Tanzania, progress has been achieved in some areas like corruption, poverty alleviation, reining in waste, and bloated bureaucracy, but in others there is clear evidence of regression.
Since Magufuli came to power, there have been repeated attacks on civil and
human rights, contracting of the political space, and diminishing of the
opposition’s role as a counter balance to the status quo.
A number of developments point to deteriorating
democratic health in Tanzania.
The laws that stifle freedom of speech have
been extended to censor musicians who
dare to speak out on issues of governance.
Unlike the 2015 elections, this round of elections has been characterized by controversy. Most baffling was the arrest of the opposition’s presidential candidate in Zanzibar a day before the elections.
This was not only unethical, but went against the common courtesy that should be extended to a senior political leader. He was then released without charge.
Zanzibar is a semi-autonomous Tanzanian archipelago off the coast of East
Africa, which elects its own president on Tanzania’s election day.
The arrest of Chadema chairman Freeman Mbowe, among others, for protesting against the results adds to a litany of increasing authoritarian tendencies.
Tundu Lissu, the chief opposition presidential candidate |
On top of this, there was growing evidence this
time round that those responsible for being umpires in the election had gone
rogue. Electoral commissions are considered critical to the effective
functioning of the electoral process. How they perform determines the
acceptance and legitimacy of the outcome.
In a flawed democracy like
Tanzania, the gatekeepers of the institution are seen as neither neutral nor
institutionally trustworthy.
This is so because the election commission is
not only appointed by the president, but the commissioners’ security of tenure
also depends fully on his confidence.
Financially, they are dependent on the
executive for budget support and
execution of their mandate.
The opposition has viewed the commission as partisan due
to the way it managed the 2015 elections but even more so in how it handled the
latest one.
One of the accusations
levelled against it was that it suppressed opposition
candidates by imposing undue requirements for their formal registration and
in places disqualifying their candidates on whimsical claims while clearing
ruling party candidates with questionable character.
The commission even banned Lissu from
campaigning while leaving Magufuli unencumbered.
This raised questions about its neutrality in
managing the electoral process.
Equally, while the police should be apolitical,
the Tanzania police force was used as the ruling party’s attack dog to
intimidate, arrest, and harass the opposition. This, ultimately, skewed the
election in favor of the ruling party.
A number of challenges persist in achieving substantive progress in democratic transition in the country.
First, as long as there is a weak
institutionalization of democratic norms, the ability to subvert democratic
practice will remain. Going forward, civil and political rights and freedoms
ought to be a central pillar of Tanzania’s election transitions. For instance,
the right to appeal the outcome of the presidential election needs to be
enshrined in the constitution.
Second, the politicization of institutions of
the state, especially those charged with legal and exclusive use of force like
the military and police, are detrimental to the health of Tanzania’s political
system. Institutions need to serve the state and not the political elite.
Third, a legitimate electoral process and
outcome is central to political power contestation and periodic change of
governments. This means that Tanzania’s National Electoral Commission should
be beyond reproach. Its credibility and independence depends on how it’s
constituted and appointed. The president should not have full control over the
comings and goings at the electoral commission.
Fourth, freedom of association, of assembly and
speech are cornerstones of any democracy. The ability of citizens to freely
assemble and speak about matters of public importance cannot be compromised nor
subjected to the interests of the political class. As long as Magufuli and his
ruling CCM continue to believe in unfettered government, any democratic
progress that Tanzania has made over the past 25 years will be eroded.
The October elections have not moved the
country’s democratic needle forward. Rather, they have highlighted the
fundamental flaws of a political system and political class bent on retaining
power at all costs. – Quartz Africa
** David E Kiwuwa, Associate Professor of International Studies, University
of Nottingham
No comments:
Post a Comment