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Sunday, October 31, 2021

AU to hold high-level retreat on peace promotion in Nairobi

NAIROBI, Kenya

The African Union’s Department of Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PAPS) is scheduled to host a high-level delegation in Nairobi, Kenya, this week for the 12th Annual High-Level Retreat on the Promotion of Peace, Security and Stability in Africa.

Nairobi, Kenya

High Representatives, Special Envoys, and Special Representatives of the Chairperson of the Commission (SRCCs) are expected to attend the Nov 1-3 retreat, which will be held under the theme: “Improved Coordination and Harmonization for Impactful Mediation.”

According to a statement by the AU, the retreat shall bring together representatives of Member States, RECs/RMs, the AUC and AU Organs.

Additionally, towards strengthening multi-lateral coordination, a segment in the program of work will include interactions between the AU High Representatives, Special Envoys & SRCCs, and their counterparts at the U.N. and national partners.

The Nairobi retreat is aimed at providing Special Envoys, High Representatives, SRCCs and Mediators with the opportunity to reflect, take stock and review existing mediation efforts to determine their suitability and effectiveness in the current context of evolving conflicts on the continent.

It also seeks to offer insight, learning, exchanges and debates on emerging policy and practice in the field of mediation as it relates to inclusion at multiple mediation tracks both from a gender and actor perspective.

Saturday, October 30, 2021

Mozambique opposition wants full disclosure of Nyusi’s agreement with Kagame

MAPUTO, Mozambique 

The Mozambican National Resistance (Renamo) this Thursday (28-10) demanded that the agreement with Rwanda which framed the sending of troops to fight the armed insurgency in Cabo Delgado be made public.

“What is required is that they present to us the agreement that the President of the Republic signed with [Rwandan president] Paul Kagame,” Renamo deputy José Manteigas said on the second day of government questions in parliament.

The same request was made in September by the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD Mozambique), in whose opinion the Mozambican government should disclose all bilateral decisions.

Manteigas brushed aside the argument presented by the Mozambique Liberation Front (Frelimo) on Wednesday that no war or a state of siege had been declared.

“Frelimo deputies said that in Cabo Delgado there is disorder or armed conflict. And Mozambicans are asking themselves: if so, what is the basis for recruiting foreign forces? After all, don’t our Defence and Security Forces have the ability to eliminate simple disorder?” he asked.

Manteigas accused Frelimo deputies of “cowardice” for accepting without demur that the President of the Republic, Filipe Nyusi, could decide on the entry of foreign troops without consulting the Assembly of the Republic.

In that case, “there is an exclusion of Mozambicans from decision-making processes”, he considered, wondering if this is not facing “a new horse-trading which calls into question the resources” of the country, alluding to the so-called ‘hidden debts’ corruption scandal.

Overseeing security policy

The answer came from Frelimo deputy Antonio Boene, who cited several mechanisms tp prove that “there is no constitutional or legal provision which gives the Assembly of the Republic the power to oversee or monitor” defence and security policy or authorise the head of state regarding strategies in this sector.

The constitution “is silent on the procedures that must be followed to invite foreign troops to act in our country in support of our Defence and Security Forces”, he added.

In any case, Boene considered that “this requirement is not called for in the present case” due to the fact that we are bound by “agreements assumed by the State”, understandings which, in the case of Rwanda, date back to 1990. Boene concluded by congratulating Filipe Nyusi for what he dubbed a “wise decision” regarding support received for Cabo Delgado.

Armed groups have terrorized the province of Cabo Delgado since 2017, with some attacks claimed by the Islamic State extremist group.

Since July, an offensive by government troops with international support has recovered several areas from the rebels, including the town of Mocímboa da Praia, occupied by them since August, 2020.

Thursday, October 28, 2021

AU suspends Sudan as African activists criticise junta

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia

The African Union on Wednesday suspended troubled Sudan after the military forcibly took power and dissolved the transitional government.

African Union Commission Chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat. 

The decision announced by the African Union Peace and Security Council (AUPSC) means that Sudan will no longer be allowed into AU sessions or vote on crucial matters until it restores a civilian government.

“The AUPSC decides to suspend the participation of the Republic of Sudan in all AU activities until the effective restoration of the civilian-led Transitional Authority,” a communique said after the 15-member Council met virtually on Tuesday and condemned the coup.

The Council, comprising of member states of the AU on a rotational basis, is a standing organ that works to prevent, manage or resolve conflicts on the continent. This month, Mozambique is the chair of the Council and was expected to send a delegation to Khartoum by the weekend to discuss the transition with the military chiefs.

Sudan’s military ruler Abdel Fattah al-Burhan on Monday morning took power, arrested members of the transitional government under Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok and imposed a state of emergency including shutting down the internet.

He reappeared in public on Tuesday promising to set a government “free of politics” and freed Dr Hamdok who had been detained with his wife. He rejected his decision as a coup, saying he had acted to safeguard the transition.

Suspending Sudan is routine though. The AU’s policy requires total disregard to “unconstitutional changes” in government and usually suspends members until they agree to return to civilian rule.

The Council said the AU Commission chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat should “take necessary measures and intensify his engagement with the leaders of the Transitional Government and the Sovereign Council in order to facilitate the resumption of dialogue towards a successful transition in Sudan.”

That, the Council indicated, includes dispatching a team to Khartoum.

Crack the whip

The decision of the AU came even as activists across the continent criticised the coup, calling on the continental body to crack the whip.

In an open letter, more than 70 entities and individuals said Sudan’s junta had violated basic rights by denying them a chance to take part in the transition as well as suffering a communication blockade.

“These actions violate the AU Shared Values and specific provisions of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance regarding unconstitutional changes of government.

“We note that the military takeover has negative consequences for Sudan’s transition into a democracy, a journey that had a major turning point in 2019 when civilians got rid of dictator Omar Hassan Al-Bashir through a peoples’ revolution,” they said in an open letter on Wednesday.

The junta also closed down the main airports and restricted the movement of people.

“These limitations on the rights and freedoms of the Sudanese people as well as other nationalities present in Sudan is in stark violation of both the Sudanese Constitution as well as African and International Human rights norms,” they said under their banner of ‘African citizens and its diaspora.’

They demanded that all of Hamdok’s ministers arrested on Monday be released, people allowed to picket and the military return power to civilians.

List

The groups included 40 civil society groups and 38 individual rights campaigners whose list is found here below.

A – Institutions

1.   Advocacy Network for Africa, Washington DC, USA

2.   AfricanDefenders (Pan African Human Rights Defenders Network)

3.   African Union Watch, Banjul, The Gambia

4.   African Women and Youth Initiative

5.   African Women's Development and Communication Network (FEMNET)/ Réseau de Développement et de Communication des Femmes Africaines

6.   African Women Leaders Forum (AWLF), Zimbabwe

7.   Atrocities Watch Africa (AWA), Kampala, Uganda

8.   Chapter One Foundation, Lusaka, Zambia

9.   Coalition for an effective African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACC), Arusha, Tanzania

10.                Coalition Togolaise des Défenseurs des Droits Humains (CTDDH), Lomé, Togo

11.                DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)

12.                Disability Amalgamation Community Trust (DACT), Zimbabwe

13.                DITSHWANELO - The Botswana Centre for Human Rights, Gaborone, Botswana

14.                Eastern Africa Youth Empowerment on Peace and Security

15.                Echoes of Women in Africa Initiatives, Nigeria

16.                HUDO Centre, Kampala, Uganda

17.                Human Rights Institute of South Africa (HURISA)

18.                Institut des Médias pour la Démocratie et les Droits de l'Homme (IM2DH), Lomé, Togo

19.                Institute for Young Women Development (IYWD), Zimbabwe

20.                International Refugee Rights Initiative (IRRI), Kampala, Uganda

21.                Inuka Kenya Ni Sisi!, Nairobi, Kenya

22.                Kamma Organization for Development Initiatives (KODI), Sudan

23.                Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC), Nairobi, Kenya

24.                Nawi – Afrifem Macroeconomics Collective, Nairobi, Kenya

25.                Network of Independent Commissions for Human Rights in North Africa

26.                Nubsud Human Rights Monitors Organization (NHRMO), Sudan

27.                OnetoAll Foundation, Meru, Kenya

28.                Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA), Johannesburg, South Africa

29.                Oromo Legacy Leadership and Advocacy Association

30.                Oromo Professionals Group (OPG), Washington DC

31.                Rape Hurts Foundation, Uganda

32.                Pan African Citizens Network (PACIN)

33.                Pan African Lawyers Union (PALU), Arusha, Tanzania

34.                Pan African Law and Justice Initiative, Kenya

35.                Panos Institute Southern Africa

36.                Plateforme de la Diaspora Tchadienne en Amerique

37.                Southern Defenders (Southern African Human Rights Defenders Network)

38.                Wakiso District Human Rights Committee, Uganda

39.                Yearning Voices Foundation (YVF)

40.                Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, Harare, Zimbabwe

  B – Individuals

1.   Abel K. Walendom, Co-Facilitator, Plateforme de la Diaspora Tchadienne en Amerique

2.   Abdalla Komi Kodi, Executive Director, Kamma Organization for Development Initiatives (KODI), Sudan

3.   Achieng’ Akena, PanAfricanist, Uganda

4.   Adaobi Egboka, Human Rights Lawyer, Nigeria

5.   Arnold Tsunga, Human Rights Lawyer, Zimbabwe

6.   Brian Tamuka Kagoro, Uhai Africa Ltd, Harare, Zimbabwe

7.   Bridget Musungu, Panafrican, Nairobi Kenya

8.   Bushra Gamar Hussein, Executive Director, HUDO Centre, Kampala, Uganda

9.   Bonaventure N’Coué MAWUVI, Journaliste et Défenseurs des Droits Humains, Lomé,Togo

10.                Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

11.                Chris Kwaja

12.                Danford M. Chirwa, Dean, UCT Law

13.                Donald Deya, Pan Africanist, Nairobi, Kenya

14.                Dzimbabwe Chimbga, Human Rights Lawyer, Zimbabwe

15.                Edigah Kavuravu, Human Rights Lawyer, Kenya

16.                Femi Falana SAN, Human Rights Lawyer, Nigeria

17.                Feyi Ogunade, Human Rights Lawyer

18.                George Kegoro, Lawyer, Nairobi, Kenya

19.                Gitahi Githuku, Human Rights Defender, Nairobi, Kenya

20.                Golda Keng, Advocacy and Campaigns Consultant, Yaoundé, Cameroon

21.                Hakima Haithar, International Development Consultant, Johannesburg, South Africa

22.                Ibrahima Kane: Ibrahima Kane, lawyer Senegal

23.                Irene Mwendwa, Lawyer, Policy Uganda

24.                Jok Madut Jok, Professor of Anthropology, Syracuse University and Director of The Sudd Institute

25.                Khabele Matlosa

26.                Martin Masiga, Africa Judges and Jurists Forum (AJJF)

27.                Martin Mavenjina, Constitutional and Human Rights Lawyer, Nairobi, Kenya

28.                Musa Mwenye, SC, Former Attorney General of the Republic of Zambia

29.                Nikiwe Kaunda, Mzuzu, Malawi

30.                Otto Saki, Zimbabwe

31.                Roland Ebole, Human Rights Lawyer, Nairobi, Kenya

32.                Roselyn Hanzi, Human Rights Lawyer, Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights

33.                Sarah Mukasa

34.                Sharon Nakandha, Lawyer, Uganda

35.                Siphosami Malunga, Executive Director, Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa

36.                Tiseke Kasambala, Chief of Party, Freedom House, Johannesburg, South Africa

37.                Vusumuzi Sifile, Lusaka, Zambia

  1. Washington Katema

 

Kenya's ruling party plans to ratify 2022 coalition with opposition against defiant Vice President

By James Mbaka, NAIROBI Kenya

Kenya President Uhuru Kenyatta’s Jubilee Party will hold a national delegates convention (NDC) next month to install substantive officials and ratify a proposed coalition with its main opposition party, the Orange Democratic Movement led by Raila Odinga. 

It has been established that the NDC is also being prepared to sanction far-reaching changes to the Jubilee constitution that would kick out defiant Deputy President William Ruto as the deputy party leader. 

Despite falling out with his boss and forming his own 2022 vehicle, the United Democratic Alliance party, Ruto is still Jubilee's deputy leader as per the party's constitution. 

The Jubilee National Management Committee —the party’s administration organ—convenes today for a key meeting to discuss the logistics of the NDC and craft the summit’s agenda. 

The NDC is coming at a time when Uhuru’s men are pushing for radical changes to the party’s leadership. It could also seal the fate of secretary general Raphael Tuju. 

“If that would be the decision of the party, I will abide by it because there is no position that is permanent; what is important is the unity of the country,” said Tuju when asked about his future. 

He confirmed to the Star that the NDC was in the offing but said its agenda had yet to be set by the management committee, a lean yet powerful organ of the party. 

“We are planning for the national delegates convention, but the NMC is meeting tomorrow (Thursday) to look at, among other things, the road map to the conference,” Tuju said. 

The CS, however, hinted that the Jubilee-ODM coalition plan is among the issues to be discussed today.

"That is part of the agenda," Tuju said without elaborating when asked if the ODM-Jubilee coalition deal would be on the table.

There is intense pressure from politicians allied to the President, especially those coalescing around the Kieleweke faction, to have Tuju and powerful vice chairman David Murathe kicked out. 

The two powerful officials have been accused of mismanaging the party's affairs, leading to its poor show in recent by-elections and high-profile defections.

They have also been under political attacks for failing to revamp the party at the grassroots, leading to massive disaffection among members.

On Wednesday, Kieni MP Kanini Kega, a close ally of the President, said the NDC has been planned to overhaul the leadership of the party ahead of 2022. 

“The NDC, being the supreme decision-making organ of the party, will put in office substantive officials even if it means that some of the high-ranking officials will have to be replaced,” he said. 

Kega said the party is currently involved in the screening of the NDC delegates. 

“We are currently cleaning the delegates register to ensure those who have defected to other parties like the United Democratic Alliance are expunged,” he said. 

The Jubilee Party last held an NDC on September 9, 2016, when at least 11 affiliate parties folded up and merged to form the mother outfit that carried President Kenyatta's 2017 reelection dream. 

Since then, the party has in the last three years suffered massive hemorrhage following the falling-out between the Uhuru and Ruto. The proposed political deal with ODM is, therefore, expected to breathe new life into the party.

According to the Jubilee constitution, the NMC will, on behalf of the National Executive Committee, draw the agenda for presentation at the NDC later next month. 

There are reports the NDC will amend the constitution to delete the provision that the deputy president shall be the deputy party leader, to deny any future DP the protection of being the automatic second in command in the party. 

In March, the NMC resolved to kick out Ruto as deputy party leader and forwarded the resolutions to NEC. It is understood Uhuru blocked the bid because of the weight of the matter. 

The NDC will now exercise its powers to ratify constitutional amendments that will largely whittle down the influence of the deputy party leader, giving the party boss the leeway to pick any other member. 

It is understood the President’s key men are also working on an elaborate political plan to assemble a broad-based coalition with opposition parties ahead of the 2022 presidential election. 

President Uhuru, who as left no doubt that he prefers Raila to succeed him at State House, has sanctioned a Jubilee-ODM coalition to bolster chances of vanquishing Ruto. 

It is widely believed that the ODM-Jubilee political deal could also bring on board other opposition parties like Kalonzo Musyoka’s Wiper, Musalia Mudavadi’s ANC and Moses Wetangula’s Ford Kenya. 

“The bigger agenda of the Jubilee Party is to unite the country; we are having discussions with Wiper, ANC and Ford Kenya to this effect because we do not want to leave anyone behind,” Tuju said. 

The Star has learnt that the coalition instruments have been prepared and are awaiting the NDC for endorsement before the ODM-Jubilee pact is formalised and deposited with the Registrar of Political Parties. 

Sub-Saharan Africa to see mixed economic recovery into 2022

JOHANNESBURG, South Africa

Growth in sub-Saharan Africa’s big economies will be mixed into 2022, after a year of recovery from Covid-19 lockdowns, as life slowly returns to normal amid low vaccination rates, a Reuters poll found on Wednesday.

But the pace of recovery is largely positive, according to the poll, conducted from Oct. 19-26.

Growth in Nigeria – Africa’s biggest economy – was expected at 2.7% next year from 2.5% this year after a negative shock of almost 2% last year.

Kenya – east Africa’s biggest economy – will grow 5.3% next year from 5.1% this year, the poll found. The International Monetary Fund reckons it probably shrank 0.3% last year.

Ghana was expected to grow 5.1% next year from an estimated 4.2%. Like South Africa, Zambia was expected to slow, to 2.5% next year from an estimate of 3.2% in 2021.

Weighing on economic recoveries, Africa still needs to inoculate much of its 1.3 billion people, who have had far less access to vaccines than more prosperous regions.

Only about 8.4% of Africa’s population has received at least one dose, compared to the global average of 48.7%, according to the World Health Organization.

South Africa was estimated to have expanded 5% this year, but that will slow to 2.2% growth in 2022.

It experienced one of the biggest contractions on the continent last year, which the IMF estimated at 6.4%.

The IMF expects sub-Saharan Africa to grow 3.7% in 2021 and 3.8% in 2022. - Reuters

Wednesday, October 27, 2021

World Bank halts Sudan operations in blow to coup leaders

NEW YORK, USA

The World Bank halted disbursements for operations in Sudan on Wednesday in response to the military’s seizure of power from a transitional government, while state oil company workers, doctors and pilots joined civilian groups opposing the takeover.

Thousands of people have taken to the streets since Monday’s coup led by armed forces chief General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and several have been killed in clashes with security forces.

Burhan has dismissed the joint civilian-military council set up to steer the country to democratic elections following the overthrow of autocrat Omar al-Bashir in a popular uprising in April 2019.

He said he acted to stop the country slipping into civil war, but the World Bank decision to pause payments and stop processing new operations is a setback to his plans for one of Africa’s poorest countries.

After isolation from the international financing system across three decades of Bashir’s rule, Sudan achieved full re-engagement with the bank in March and gained access to $2 billion in financing.

“I am greatly concerned by recent events in Sudan, and I fear the dramatic impact this can have on the country’s social and economic recovery and development,” World Bank President David Malpass said in a statement from Washington.

Abdalla Hamdok, prime minister in the deposed transitional government, had touted World Bank re-engagement as a major accomplishment and was depending on the funding for several large development projects.

The government had instituted harsh economic reforms that succeeded in achieving rapid arrears clearance and debt relief and renewed financing from the World Bank and IMF.

An IMF spokeswoman said the fund was monitoring developments but it was “premature” to comment.

Scattered protests took place in Khartoum on Wednesday and intensified at night across the capital, although no new bloodshed was reported.

In one Khartoum neighbourhood, a Reuters journalist saw soldiers and armed people in civilian clothes removing barricades erected by protesters. A few hundred metres away, youths built barricades again minutes later.

“We want civilian rule. We won’t get tired,” one said.

In Bahri across the river, witnesses told Reuters protesters were met with tear gas and heard gunshots on Wednesday evening as protesters came out across the capital’s three cities.

In the northeastern city of Atbara, protesters marched and chanted, “Down with the military regime”.

Neighbourhood committees announced plans for protests leading to what they said would be a “march of millions” on Saturday.

Workers at state oil company Sudapet said they were joining the civil disobedience campaign to back the stalled democratic transition.

Pilots from national carrier Sudan Airways have gone on strike, their union said, as have pilots from local carriers Badr and Tarco Airlines. Central Bank employees have also stopped work in a further setback for the functioning of the economy.

Doctors belonging to the Unified Doctors’ Office group of unions also said they were striking. The doctors were one of the driving forces behind the uprising that brought down Bashir.

Power-sharing between the military and civilians had been increasingly strained over several issues, including whether to send Bashir and others to the International Criminal Court, where they are wanted for alleged atrocities in Darfur. Military commanders now leading Sudan also served in Darfur.

Speaking on Tuesday at his first news conference since announcing the takeover, Burhan said the army had no choice but to sideline politicians who he said were inciting people against the armed forces.

U.N. Special Representative Volker Perthes met Burhan on Wednesday and told him the United Nations wants to see a return to the transition process and the immediate release of all those arbitrarily detained, U.N. spokesman Stephane Dujarric told reporters in New York.

Perthes also met Hamdok at his residence, where he remains under guard, Dujarric said. Hamdok was detained on Monday.

The European Union’s Foreign Relations Commissioner Josep Borrell wrote on Twitter that he had spoken with Hamdok and expressed support for a civilian-led transition.

Events in Sudan – Africa’s third largest country – mirror those in several other Arab states where the military has tightened its grip following uprisings.

Willow Berridge, a Sudan expert at Newcastle University, said it would be difficult for Burhan and the army to suppress street mobilisations against the takeover because of the presence of resistance committees in many neighbourhoods.

“My greatest fear is that he will fall back even further on the only legitimacy he can depend on – violence. It is a very serious risk,” Berridge said.

Burhan has close ties to states that worked to roll back Islamist influence and contain the impact of the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings, including the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Egypt.

While Western countries have denounced the takeover in Sudan – which has a history of military coups – those Arab countries have mainly called for all parties to show restraint.

Burhan met with Saudi Arabia’s ambassador to Khartoum Ali Bin Hasan Jaafar on Wednesday to discuss efforts to resolve the situation through dialog “among all relevant parties”, Sudan’s armed forces Facebook page said.

Burhan has also been at the forefront of Sudan’s steps to normalise relations with Israel.

Sharon Bar-Li, deputy director-general for Africa at the Israeli Foreign Ministry, said on Tuesday it was still too early to know if developments in Sudan will have consequences for the normalisation.

The African Union said it has suspended Sudan’s participation in all activities until the restoration of the civilian-led authority.

“Right now, because the military now has power, they have halted the path and taken us back to square one, but that doesn’t work for us,” said Sudanese citizen Mohamed Ali. - Reuters