By Thabit Jacob
On Thursday 19 November, two African countries rose to the top of the agenda at the European Parliament in Brussels.
The parliament’s foreign affairs committee, led by chairman David McAllister, discussed the escalating conflict in Ethiopia and various issues related to the recently concluded election in Tanzania.
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| Tanzanias foreign minister Kabudi testing Covid drug from Madagascar. |
German Member of European Parliament Michael Gahler referred to the outcome of the Tanzanian election as “Lukashenko style” and questioned why, “we are still giving budget support to Tanzania? And if so, are we willing to stop it?”
Then coronavirus came up during the question and answer session, committee chair McAllister noting that Tanzania had received funds from the EU to combat the virus, even though the country had already declared itself victorious against it.
"In preparation for this meeting I did a considerable amount of reading about the ongoing situation in Tanzania. And I came across [information] that in September this year Council President Charles Michel committed to provide Tanzania with 27 million euros to combat the effects of COVID. Now my question is, what were the criteria required from Tanzania to fulfil in order to benefit from aid dedicated to the fight against COVID? Because the regime in Dar es Salaam has announced that apparently the country is coronafree, the government in Dar es Salaam has refused to provide statistics on COVID … has refused to follow WHO guidelines, and has stated publicly that three days of national prayer have saved the country from the pandemic. So, what's your take on this, and has the EU delegation addressed these issues?” he asked.
Tanzania has indeed received 27 million euros from the EU to combat the virus, despite the it's president constantly emphasizing that Tanzania has efficiently contained COVID.
As I pointed out on Twitter, Tanzania received more funds and relief packages from other sources to fight this ‘non-existent, pandemic. These included $14.3 million of COVID-19 related debt relief from the International Monetary Fund in June, while in September the country borrowed US$ 3.79 million from the World Bank to support ‘laboratory diagnosis and management of COVID-19 cases’, and in October a further $50.7 million loan was approved by the African Development Bank as ‘Covid-19 crisis response budget support’.
Sources within donor circles also indicate that Tanzania made a request for $11 million from the Global Fund in connection with its efforts to fight the pandemic, but it’s not clear if the request was approved.
The timing of these disbursements is also interesting, just a few months and weeks before the election, making it probable that some if not all of this funding was diverted to campaign finance.
The president was seen dishing out money during various rallies.
McAllister was unimpressed with the responses of his fellow MEP about EU funds, and he later asked further questions of the same individual:
"What is happening with this money? We are talking about European taxpayers’ money, and I have difficulties that we grant money to a government which is obviously not trying to cooperate in a decent manner, so can you please answer my question? And if you're not able to do so now, then I would expect you to provide us written details within 48 hours.”
He went on to emphasize that:
"The EU-Tanzania programme 2014-2020 prioritized good governance, which included the protection of human rights, nondiscrimination and freedom of speech. And what we have been seeing since 2015 is a downward spiral. Human Rights Watch, Amnesty and civil-society organizations in the country are telling us that the situation hasn't improved – we're on a downward spiral. So, given this evidence, I can only call on us all in the European Union, that we cannot continue as we are doing with Tanzania, we cannot continue this kind of policy. I think we have to pay more attention to the country, and that especially financial support has to be questioned."
The discussions in Brussels generated a lot of interest in Tanzania, especially on social networks like Twitter.
The reaction of the government was combative, defensive and framed as an utter denial.
It began with the Tanzanian ambassador to Belgium and representative to the EU reassuring the public that the cooperation between Tanzania and the EU remained strong and that the EU had no plans to end aid to Tanzania.
This was followed by an even stronger response from Tanzania’s Minister for Foreign Affairs and East African Cooperation, Palamagamba Kabudi.
The Minister emphasized that Tanzania’s sovereignty and human dignity are all that matters, values that the founding father of the nation Julius Nyerere cherished.
He declared that:
"Between money and the honor of our country, we will stand up for the honor of our country's dignity; between aid and our humanity, we will stand up for humanity. And we will not allow [us] to be despised and our humanity to be disrespected for aid and money… We are ready for constructive engagement with those who respect that we are a sovereign state, but who also respect that we are equal and as humans we have our dignity; on those matters of principle, we will not compromise… We will never never allow anyone to use aid or assistance to undermine our sovereignty, never. That didn’t not happen during the time of Mwalimu, it will never happen now”.
Both the tone and the reference to Nyerere were not surprising.
Scholars have noted before how Nyerere is used in the construction of legitimacy, and we should indeed expect more of this from a regime that is facing a considerable legitimacy deficit after recent controversial polls.
Kabudi also attacked EU parliamentarians who questioned the use of the COVID funds, calling them wahuni (hooligans).
This combative response is exactly what the president demands these days.
The language of sovereignty and non-interference is not new either: Kabudi has on numerous occasions called for the lifting of sanctions against Zimbabwe in the name of standing for each other against foreign interference.
The questioning of the EU’s COVID-19 funding that arose in last week’s EP debate was just a case of European Members of Parliament scrutinizing the allocation of European taxpayers’ money, something that their constituents deserve to be aware of.
Such questions did not interfere with Tanzania’s sovereignty in any way: they were not about external interference nor were they attacks on Tanzania.
Kabudi and the government nonetheless opt to hide behind the cover of sovereignty and human dignity whenever it suits them, this time to cover up the possible misuse of funds.
The reference to human dignity was particularly appalling and insulting.
Kabudi and the ruling CCM government have no moral authority whatever to lecture anyone about the values of human dignity.
If the government respected human dignity, Muslim clerics wouldn't have been kept in jail for over seven years now, and if the government cared, it should respond to lots of unanswered questions about the failed assassination attempt on Tundu Lissu.
If humanity is at the top of the CCM’s concerns, the government should tell the world the whereabouts of Azory Gwanda, a journalist who went missing three years ago. If humanity matters, Eric Kabendera should have been allowed to pay his last respects to his mother, and Tito Magoti and Theodory Giyani shouldn’t be languishing in custody on false charges.
Respect for human dignity should also force the government to investigate recent reports of arbitrary arrests, torture and the disappearances and killings of opposition members, both on the mainland and on Zanzibar – I can go on and on.
Committing such atrocities while hiding behind a veil of sovereignty and human dignity is shameful.
As for the EU and other donors, while maintaining a relationship with Tanzania is important, disbursements of similar funds should be scrutinized in the future to make sure they achieve the intended results.
Our research on the politics of social protection demonstrates how donor-funded schemes aimed at poverty reduction can be manipulated by ruling politicians to strengthen their grip on power.
Should the EU and other donors suspend funds to Tanzania altogether? That is for them to decide, not I.
This also reminds me of a chat I had with a friend recently, who pointed out that “donors have interests, which may or may not be ours.” While there are those who believe in using aid as a form of leverage, one thing is clear – the Magufuli government is not bothered by international legitimacy, and the threat of suspending aid will give donors only very limited leverage.
Despite these limitations, the EU should keep fighting for values they hold dear in collaboration with other donors. It is worth pointing out that the EU is already treading cautiously following the expulsion of its delegation head back in 2018.
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